In his critique of Posner’s economic analysis of law, the late Ed Baker offers some remarks that might help us to understand current developments in educational policy.  Posner defends what we will now recognize as a number of the core commitments of neoliberal policy, in particular the fundamental efficiency of markets and the price mechanism for the optimal allocation of social goods.  The more people want something, the more they are willing to pay, and so goods get bought and sold (as they move from those who value them less – sellers – to those who value them more – buyers) until everyone is as happy as they can be, given constraints on resources. 

Briefly, Baker’s two overarching complaints are:

  1. The theory favors productive claimants over consumptive ones.  This is because productive claimants will be looking for a return on investment.  Most of the time, this will be greater than the price to consume the resource, and so productive users get favored over consumptive ones.
  2. The theory favors wealthier consumptive claimants over poorer ones.  That’s because, other things being equal, the more wealth you have, the more you will be willing to pay for the same thing (so, for example, when your favorite restaurant increases their prices, that will bother you less than your poorer friends).

There are a number of corollaries and implications of these two fundamental points; the most important for my purposes here is that the wealthy are not favored for productive uses (assuming that the wealthy and the poor can afford them in the first place).  The productive user is only concerned with return on investment, and so when the cost exceeds the expected ROI, both wealthy and poor users will lose interest.  In this way, the structural biases in favor of the wealthy are occluded in the cases of productive use, or when use is characterized as productive.

Which brings us to education.  Baker proposes that, given that education is at least in part valued as a consumptive good (you derive some sort of intrinsic satisfaction from it), wealth will have predictable effects: the rich will “value” education more than the poor, by being willing to pay more for it.  The interesting point to me is that, at least since Becker’s Human Capital, we are heavily encouraged to think of education as a productive investment in our future.  In other words, we are not supposed to view education as something of intrinsic consumptive value.  Anybody who teaches in the humanities will immediately see the point, as we are constantly having to explain why our disciplines are going to get students into jobs.

Baker adds the following in a footnote:

“An additional hypothesis would be that (1) the poor generally choose more productive and less consumptive education than the rich and (2) that this disparity would be decreased if education were a matter of right or were freely available” (p. 21 n30).

Baker’s paper was published in 1975, right in the middle of the various semi-official start dates for neoliberalism’s ascendency.  It’s also prophetic, as it precisely describes the situation now: the humanities are a “luxury” that most people cannot afford (but that rich people get to study at private universities).  Foucault’s discussion here is significant, in part because he underscores a general redefinition of consumption as production.  It’s not that neoliberalism says consumption is bad, it’s that it redefines consumption as production, such that any non-productive activity is bad.  Here is Foucault:

“In neo-liberalism … there is also a theory of homo economicus, but he is not at all a partner of exchange [as in classic liberalism – GH].  Homo economicus is an entrepreneur, an entrepreneur of himself …. The man of consumption, insofar as he consumes, is a producer.  What does he produce? Well, quite simply, he produces his own satisfaction.  And we should think of consumption as an enterprise activity by which the individual, precisely on the basis of the capital he has at his disposal, will produce something that will be his own satisfaction” (Birth of Biopolitics, 226).

What all of this implies is that the devaluation of the humanities is a necessary part of the ideology of neoliberalism, insofar as that ideology requires us to behave as always investing in the future, and insofar as the ROI for the humanities are understood as consumptive, or insofar as they are hard to quantify.  The situation is made considerably worse by the rising costs of education, which pushes more and more people into the need to view their education purely as an act of production.  Once policy starts to view education as an investment, the funding of which “leads to jobs” in predictable, quantifiable ways, things go rapidly downhill, and the difficulties humanities departments face are as inexorable as the rise of testing culture in K-12.

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11 responses to “Neoliberal economics and the devalued humanities”

  1. David Wallace Avatar
    David Wallace

    As a point of interest, if the humanities are being “devalued” then in the UK I don’t see much sign of it, either in financial terms (the 2010 tuition reforms significantly improved the financial standing of the humanities relative to other subjects) or in public attitudes (my non-academic friends and family, a fairly large fraction of whom are in private-sector jobs, are perfectly clear that a humanities degree is valuable). But possibly this is one of these things where the US and UK scenes look different from one another?

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  2. John Protevi Avatar

    It may be that the humanities are sensitive to recessions more than other disciplines. I don’t have the stats at hand now, but my takeaway from last week’s discussion is that in the US humanities have been overall quite stable since the early 1980s (after halting the decline from the high water mark of 1967) but they dipped in 1990-91 and again now since 2009 or so.

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  3. Enzo Rossi Avatar

    I would add that this argument only kicks in when liberal ideology reaches maturity, i.e. the neoliberal phase. Capitalists used to have to defer to traditional values, including the intrinsic value of culture. Now they have enough power to eschew that form of legitimation. “If it doesn’t sell it’s not worth doing” becomes an effective justificatory move only after market ideology has already become hegemonic.

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  4. Gordon Avatar
    Gordon

    I think that’s interesting, and hard to know what to do with. One variable, of course, is that university education was, until fairly recently, free in the UK. My impression is that it’s still a lot cheaper than here in the States, and there’s a much more substantial social safety net than here. That said, there are probably also broader cultural issues at work. The devaluation here is perhaps more rhetorical than material at the moment, and one gets this general sense of foreboding punctuated by periodic efforts to close or consolidate humanities departments. I think that sort of existential threat is new, and the rhetoric at least seems to draw upon the neoliberal demand for production and a good ROI for college.

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  5. Gordon Avatar
    Gordon

    Is it right to read that as corroborating evidence? In other words, insofar as recessions hurt the poor more than the rich, those who are already precarious have an extra reason to view education as productive.

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  6. Gordon Avatar
    Gordon

    Yes – I generally think that some version of the autonomist (Negri, Virno, etc.) thesis about the ‘complete subsumption’ of society by capital is correct. One question then becomes how this pans out in micro-level practices, and certainly to the extent that people absorb the idea of education exclusively as an investment in future job prospects, it it functions as a form of subjectification (or an example of a neoliberal technique of subjectification) in Foucault’s sense. It would tell a somewhat different story, but the other argument that no longer seems to work is that the humanities “prepare citizens” or something along those lines.

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  7. John Protevi Avatar

    I think that makes sense. We would need good data, but my impression is that humanities programs are under-enrolled and then closed at regional public schools as “luxuries” in a way that they aren’t at rich private schools. For instance, the French major was closed at Southeastern Louisiana whereas it will be a long time before it’s seriously threatened at Tulane.
    This fits the above idea of everything as production: instead of humanities as consumption (i.e., intrinsically rewarding) they are seen as production of status for rich folks (status being one of part of the utility function for them). In other words, to switch terms, going back to Veblen’s conspicuous consumption. This might need to be cleaned up terminologically, but I hope you see what I’m after.

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  8. Gordon Avatar
    Gordon

    Right – and I’d missed the point about status signaling, which is really helpful. There was a piece the other day in Slate, I think it was, that basically said that there wasn’t a market for a college degree, except for the networking and status it signals (the context was a prediction that MOOCs would fail, because they can’t deliver on the one thing that matters most, which isn’t skills). And certainly that would gel with a general sense that “a better degree” (i.e., one from a high-status institution) involves fewer of the “applied” topics and more “traditional” ones (so, for example, plenty of literature classes, but no “business writing,” which may not even be in the catalog).

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  9. Pascal Smith Avatar
    Pascal Smith

    Responding to an interesting point by John Protevi (the humanities become status symbol), I am left asking, isn’t this just a matter of the humanities going back to their place in the pre-WWII West? Hardly controversial, no matter how much we delude ourselves that the history of ideas has always had a democratic bent, longer history says otherwise. So, framing it as something altogether new, a result of some new phase of capitalist society–the result of neoliberal ideology, however we want to define that buzzword–misses the point. Perhaps the ideals of the great liberal project were always just a matter of convenience, legitimated by both the powers that be and the opposition within a certain social-historical situation. Entertaining this possibility, we might ask more uncomfortable questions, which might lead to the conclusion that the notion that the humanities were changing the world, one student at a time, was itself a phantasm confirming our larger political imaginary.

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  10. John Protevi Avatar

    Yes, but the “longer history” to which you refer is nothing other than a longer “matter of convenience, legitimated by both the powers that be and the opposition within a certain social-historical situation.” In other words, instead of tortoises, it’s always “a certain social-historical situation,” all the way down. The point is to analyze the conjunctures that lead to the ups and downs of humanities study and to see what we can do about the current situation. I appreciate your puncturing of grandiloquent posturing about “changing the world,” but the warning about babies and bathwater applies here too.

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  11. Gordon Avatar

    Agreed there’s no historical teleology, and that various enlightenment narratives about progress are themselves ideological. I think that’s right, but I also don’t think it’s relevant here. I think there’s no question that the forms and apparatuses of capital have changed over the last 200+ years, and that neoliberalism presents something new, or at least a new constellation: the widespread move to utilize risk analysis as a way of reducing chance events in economics is pretty new, particularly when that risk assessment is provided as a way to treat all activity as an investment w/ returns (David Harvey calls this the “financialization of everything”). In Marx’s terms, capital accumulation goes from M-C-M’ to M-M’. Also new, I think, is the effort to reduce consumption into production. In order to think about those sorts of things, we need to be precise about our historical circumstances. I’m much more interested in the kinds of people we are encouraged to become – techniques of subjectification, in Foucault’s terms – than in whether or not the humanities are per se democratic because, as you correctly say, they’re not.

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