In response to my post yesterday, a couple of readers wondered about the analogy I had drawn between Professor F and Steven Salaita‘s cases. Reader Meir Alon suggested my comparison was ‘very wrong’, Darius Jedburgh said my comparison of Salaita was, indeed, ‘slanderous’, and yet another worthy wondered what the point of it all was.

In constructing the analogy I noted Professor F, like Salaita, had a distinguished academic record, that she worked in a field which often featured polemically charged debates, many of which for her, because of her personal standing and situation–Professor F  has very likely experienced considerable sexism in her time–were likely to be charged emotionally, and that a few hyperbolic, intemperate responses, made in a medium not eminently suited to reasonable discourse, and featuring many crucial limitations in its affordance of sustained intellectual engagement, should not disqualify her from an academic appointment made on the basis of her well-established scholarship and pedagogy.

I could very easily have constructed another analogy, using an accomplished professor of African American studies, Professor B, who stepping into the Ferguson debate, after engaging, dispiritingly, time and again, in his personal and academic life, with not just the bare facts of racism in American life and the depressing facts pertaining to informal, day-to-day segregation but also with a daily dose of bad news pertaining to the fate of young black men in America, might finally experience the proverbial last straw on the camel’s back, and respond with a few tweets as follows:

Plantation rules still apply apparently; talk back and massa will let you know who’s boss. And keep those hands up boy, while you talk to him.

The Black Panthers had it right; arm yourself and fight back. Dr. King might have gotten us some legislation, but cordite and gunpowder is needed now.

Malcolm X or King? Well, that debate now seems settled. By any means necessary for me.

Using these sorts of remarks–even if, or especially if, made on social media networks–as  ammunition against academics, is eminently bad policy. They can all too easily be read out of context–like the ones I have tried to provide above. (Salaita is Palestinian-American and likely knows many personally affected by the continuing tragedy of Palestine. Incidentally, as has been noted, he has tweeted widely and often on the Israel-Palestine debate, and while his pugnacious style is unmistakable in many of his productions, so is a far more temperate and conciliatory tone.)

There is a subtext to this whole business. The firestorm of reactions to Salaita, and which would be set off by Professor F and Professor B–Fox News would certainly have a field day with them, calling for their heads on a pike–is indicative of a continuing determination to police and regulate the nature of the resistance offered by those who speak up on behalf of the traditionally subjugated. Salaita, Professor F, and Professor B, are all expected to conform to certain norms of civil discourse, to channel their resistance–perhaps diffusing their passion and their energy–into channels defined and established by a system that has not worked for them.  (Yes, they are all faculty members with tenure, but that still does not make them ‘insiders.’) These transgressions on their part are just the moment those opposed to their resistance are waiting for; gone, in a flash, is their established record elsewhere; all that matters, now, is this indiscretion.

My point was not so much to construct an exact or precise analogy between the cases of Professor F and Salaita; rather, it was to provide some context, and to point to, perhaps only implicitly, a continuing pattern of willful ignorance when it came to understanding, accepting, and making room for those who, because of their backgrounds and histories, might often speak up and act in ways that those more comfortably ensconced do not have to.

Note: This post was originally published–under the same title–over at samirchopra.com.

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5 responses to “Steven Salaita And The Anger Of The Subjugated”

  1. Bharath Vallabha Avatar
    Bharath Vallabha

    You say the administration is taking Salaita’s tweets out of context and willfully ignoring the broader situation. But isn’t that what Salaita did in tweeting as he did? He took a complex situation and boiled it down to who is right and who is evil. When you do that, you invite a response which does something similar, which is what the administration did. Shouldn’t academics in general stand in criticism of both parties here, and make a stand for reasoned discourse? It doesn’t help for academics to jump on the bandwagon of feeling sinned against.
    I am all for standing up for the Palestinians. But that is no longer what is happening here. What is happening now is that this situation has gotten caught up in the broader fights between administration and faculty in academia, and each side is trying to take advantage of this situation and win a point in that broader fight. Salaita is being used as a pawn. It is a fight about faculty rights and faculty self-governance in the clothing of fighting for the oppressed. Perhaps one might say that due to the general strong arming tactics of the administration, the faculty are themselves part of the oppressed. But then the concept of the oppressed is being stretched in a way which only muddies the waters, and which is certainly no help to the Palestinians.

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  2. Deborah Gordon Avatar
    Deborah Gordon

    No, that isn’t what Salaita did, unless you’re saying in effect if not intent that no academic should ever tweet anything that someone might consider controversial. Palestinians academics are under no obligation to take a particular stand one way or the other. Neither you nor I are the unique purveyors of “reason,” which is why we have hiring processes to determine who is the best candidate for a job. Academic freedom as a concept first emerged from the demand for faculty governance, so university administrators could not fire faculty they didn’t like.

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  3. Bharath Vallabha Avatar
    Bharath Vallabha

    I am not saying faculty should never tweet anything controversial. But if they do tweet something controversial, especially in a way which can be highly hurtful to some others, then they should be sensible enough to expect outrage and how that might affect their job. Perhaps Salaita tweeted as he did because he was, consciously or unconsciously, trying to break up the status quo any which way he can. I can respect that. But that is powerful precisely because he is putting himself and his job on the line. If Salaita is reinstated on the grounds that any academic can say anything without consequence, then that is going to take away from the power of his future tweets. Treating respect for faculty governance as paramount will come at the cost of the ability of faculty to be leaders in society.
    I think Salaita should be reinstated. Based either on his rights as a public employee or on academic freedom. If the former happens, then the line between academia and non-academia will get more blurred. If the latter happens, then the faculty’s ability to lead through example will be compromised, for it is hard to lead through example when you are basically protected. Either way what is coming out is the limits of academia to lead society.

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  4. Leigh M. Johnson Avatar

    This is great, Samir. As to whether or not Dr. Salaita’s tweets were taken “out of context,” I refer readers to the excellent analysis of those tweets by Phan Nguyen here.
    For what it’s worth, I worry that there’s more than a little bit of technophobic prejudice evidenced in many of the warnings against social media use by the professorate. Twitter– like Facebook, like the blogosphere, and like every other digital space of that ilk– is a place of/for “public” speech. It is distinct from and irreducible to the academia, though it obviously influences and is influenced by what goes on in academia. All public spaces are mutually contaminating, but they have different (more or less official) rules of engagement, different reaches and consequences, different ways of determining acceptable or unacceptable participation. The rules and values of one domain are rarely translatable to another domain without some loss.
    What if Dr. Salaita had uttered aloud statements with the exact same content of his tweets in a bar, or a church, or any other place where citizens of moral conscience speak publicly? Would his employer be justified in terminating its contractual agreement with him or, if one is inclined to read his employment status as merely promissory, revoking on that promise of employment?
    Samir’s analogies are especially apropos, I think, because they show the far-reaching danger of policing the speech (or, more to the point in this case, the tone) of academics when they speak outside of the paramerters of scholarly print and/or the classroom.

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  5. Darius Jedburgh Avatar
    Darius Jedburgh

    Prof Chopra: you wrote ‘My point was not so much to construct an exact or precise analogy between the cases of Professor F and Salaita’. But the relevant kind of precision or exactitude in this context – the kind you showed no concern for – is not some optional luxury; it is very important. Your analogy was inexact because it disregarded the distinction between protected speech, on the one hand, and hate speech or incitement to indiscriminate violence on the other. Protected speech does not have to be anodyne or ‘civil’. Its being venomous, furious, contemptuous, mordantly satirical or sardonic, shocking in various ways, and so on, should have no bearing at all on its status as protected. I surmise that some thought along these lines has a lot to do with the widespread support for Salaita, especially among his fellow-academics, and the widespread dismay and even outrage at Wise’s attempts to justify what was done to him. But (to amplify what I said in my previous comment), if Salaita had expressed sympathy in his tweets with even a fictional ‘Society for Cutting Up Jews’, this would not lie further out on the spectrum of anger, contempt and ‘incivility’ his (actual) remarks already occupied. This would be something else all together: it would be reasonably construed, I think, as hate speech and incitement to indiscriminate violence. If Salaita had published such comments, it would be very much more difficult to credibly oppose demands for his firing, and the suggestion that some of his prospective students might have legitimate concerns about how he would treat them would certainly not be the hollow rationalizations many take them to be in the actual-world case. I do not think that, in the counterfactual case, Salaita would deserve the kind of support he is actually being given, nor that his firing would clearly be a blow against academic freedom or freedom of speech, as opposed to an application of sound pedagogical norms. In accordance with this precisified version of your analogy, it would not strike me as obviously wrong if ‘Professor F’ were fired either. (The new case of ‘Professor B’ is an interestingly toned-down version of ‘F’ – eg, violence seems to be advocated as a matter of self-defence – but as it stands it is underdescribed for the purpose of this sort of evaluation.) Refraining from hate speech and incitement to indiscriminate violence is not an unreasonable requirement to impose on anyone and, a fortiori, not unreasonable to impose on university teachers. I do not understand how their belonging to an oppressed group, even if they are being traumatized by the treatment of their fellows, should exempt them from this. It has nothing to do with ‘conformity to certain norms of civil discourse’ or ‘channeling their resistance…into channels defined and established by a system that has not worked for them’. It’s just a matter of not threatening violence or death against people solely on the basis of their gender or ethnicity. It is because Salaita took care not to do this, while your ‘Professor F’ clearly did it, that I found your ‘analogy’ slanderous.

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