I have recently been working on a paper about some of the testable implications of DRT (discourse representation theory) and related dynamic semantic frameworks. One of the questions I am stuck on is that of how to put the semantics of proper names to the test. The general framework of DRT does not commit us to a special theory of proper names. However, Hans Kamp traditionally treated them as individual constants, which is consistent with the philosophical (and post-semantic) theory that non-empty names stand in causal-historical relations to their referents. In subsequent work Kamp has treated names as predicates but with an anchor to a particular individual satisfying the predicate. This, too, is consistent with a causal-historical constraint.



There have been a number of EEG studies of various aspects of DRT and other dynamic semantic theories. Several EEG components have been linked to particular linguistic levels of processing. The N400 effect is a negative deflection that peaks around 400 ms after word unset. It is usually associated with difficulty of semantic integration. For example, 'John went into the kitchen and buttered his toast with socks' gives rise to a comparatively greater N400 component than 'John went into the kitchen and buttered his toast with butter'. The P600 effect is a positive effect that peaks about 600 ms after word onset and has been associated with certain syntactic errors (as has the LAN effects). Finally, the Nref effect is associated with  difficulties locating a referent of a definite description. For example, the discourse fragment 'One of the two girls was reading at her desk, the other was on the phone. John told the girl ….' will give rise to an Nref effect.

As far as I can tell, the question of how proper names refer has not been tested using EEG. I am aware of the x-phi literature on reference but I am not sure that this literature can provide any obvious starting point for empirically testing how proper names refer. For example, Machery, et al (2004) presented a version of Kripke’s Gödel case to 40 undergraduates at Rutgers University and 42 undergraduates from the University of Hong Kong. The specific case they used was the following:

Suppose that John has learned in college that Gödel is the man who proved an important mathematical theorem, called the incompleteness of arithmetic. John is quite good at mathematics and he can give an accurate statement of the incompleteness theorem, which he attributes to Gödel as the discoverer. But this is the only thing that he has heard about Gödel. Now suppose that Gödel was not the author of this theorem. A man called “Schmidt”, whose body was found in Vienna under mysterious circumstances many years ago, actually did the work in question. His friend Gödel somehow got hold of the manuscript and claimed credit for the work, which was thereafter attributed to Gödel. Thus, he has been known as the man who proved the incompleteness of arithmetic. Most people who have heard the name “Gödel” are like John; the claim that Gödel discovered the incompleteness theorem is the only thing they have ever heard about Gödel. When John uses the name “Gödel”, is he talking about:

(A) the person who really discovered the incompleteness of arithmetic? or
(B) the person who got hold of the manuscript and claimed credit for the work? (Machery, et al, 2004: B6)

It was found that intuitions varied across culture. The Westerners were significantly more likely than the Chinese to give causal-historical responses. The researchers speculate that the difference in intuitions may be grounded in differences in cognition between Westerners and Chinese.

The research casts doubt on a certain methodology used in philosophy of language, known as ‘intuitions about cases’, but it does not provide any obvious starting point for neuroscience to investigate the reference of proper names.

It remains an open question how most speakers in John’s situation who learned in college that Gödel is the man who proved the incompleteness theorem and who then subsequently learn that a man named ‘Schmidt’ discovered the incompleteness theorem would update the existing DRS (i.e., the mental representation) to reflect this fact. If speakers know nothing else about Gödel, it is plausible that they would integrate the name ‘Schmidt’ into the DRS as another name for ‘Gödel’. In that case, their uses of ‘Gödel’ and ‘Schmidt’ would both fail to refer to any actual individuals, as Gödel and Schmidt are different people.  So, answering this sort of question about brain processing would not tell us anything useful about the reference of proper names.

If participants learned that the man who was baptized ‘Gödel’ didn’t discover the incompleteness theorem but that a man named ‘Schmidt’ discovered it, they would in all likelihood reject the information they learned in college but this sort of discourse revision would merely reflect their knowledge of how we name people. This type of revision would be consistent with the condition ‘Gödel(x)’ mapping onto an individual only if he is named ‘Gödel’. It wouldn’t demonstrate a required historical-causal relation between ‘Gödel’ and that individual.

The upshot is that at the moment I can't seem to locate a good way to test the reference of proper names empirically. I welcome any suggestions.

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18 responses to “Discourse representation theory and x-phi”

  1. Richard Heck Avatar
    Richard Heck

    It amazes me that anyone still takes the Machery study seriously. They set up the whole case and then ask: “When John uses the name ‘Gödel’, is he talking about…?” Surely we can all see the ambiguity in that question, yes? Kripke points out that very ambiguity when he gives this example! So they don’t even manage to ask the right question (let alone make sure that their respondents are interpreting the question the right way). It’s such an awful mistake I had to go check the first time I saw this presented that they really had made it.
    FWIW, I’m no huge fan of the “method of cases”. But, of course, it’s arguable, and has been argued, that no-one actually uses it.

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  2. Assaf Weksler Avatar

    Hi Berit,
    There is an unpublished paper (“Experimental philosophical semantics and the real reference of “Gödel””), written by a colleague of mine (Amir Horowitz), which seems relevant to what you say. Horowitz claims, among other things, that “theories of reference do not predict the use of names”. Assuming that “use” involves psychological processes of the sort you mention (I am not sure about this, because I am not acquainted enough with DRT), Horowitz’s (clearly contentious) claim appears to imply that it is not possible to “locate a good way to test the reference of proper names empirically” because (if I understand his suggestion correctly), whatever psychological theory is true of our use of names, it will be compatible with both causal-chain theories and descriptive theories of reference. I quote (with permission) a passage from the paper:
    “Theories of reference do not predict the use of names, and different theories of reference do not differ in prediction with respect to such a use. Take the Gödel-Schmidt story. This story, in itself, is consistent with both the descriptive theory and the causal theory – it is consistent with its being the case that “Gödel” in John’s mouth refer to either of the relevant mathematicians. There is no sense to the notion that John uses this name “descriptively” or “causally”. We may illustrate this point in this way: one might think that the fact that, e.g., people associate a description that is uniquely true of Gödel in situations in which we refer to Gödel by the name “Gödel” proves the descriptive theory. However, it is not given that we refer to Gödel in such situations – whether we do or we don’t is precisely the issue. The issue is whether we refer to Gödel in such situations given our use of the name, that is, given the circumstances in which we use it (circumstances that are depicted by the Kripkean story). The use of the name thus leaves open the question regarding how reference is determined – which theory of reference is correct. The theories do not differ regarding use.”

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  3. Berit Brogaard Avatar

    Hi Richard,
    One can take the study seriously and yet deny that it shows anything about the reference of proper names. That was the sentiment I was trying to express. They did find a significant cultural difference between Westerners and non-Westerners. Of course, they ought to have mentioned the ambiguity as a limitation of the study.
    I am not sure which question would have been the right question to ask (?)
    Either way, the case doesn’t seem to support (or not support) the causal-historical theory.

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  4. Berit Brogaard Avatar

    Thanks for this reference, Assaf.
    Yes, I agree that if formal semantics is true, then it is not possible to empirically test the semantics of proper names.
    DRT, however, deviates from formal semantics in taking the meaning of a sentence to be its potential to change the discourse representation structure (i.e., a mental representation). A sentence that cannot be incorporated into the existing discourse representation structure is meaningless. DRT does provide a truth-functional account of meaning but only for the mental representation itself.
    To make a long story short, I do think questions of meaning and reference can be tested empirically, if we grant that DRT is true.
    There are lots of independent reasons for thinking DRT is true, for example, the following famous example from Partee:
    (1)
    (a) One of the ten marbles is not in the bag. It is under the sofa.
    (b) *Nine of the ten marbles are in the bag. It is under the sofa
    Since traditional semantics treats the first sentences in 1(a) and 1(b) as truth-conditionally equivalent, it is not clear that it can explain why anaphora is licensed in 1(a) but not in 1(b). DRT can provide an explanation in terms of 1(a) providing a discourse referent for ‘it’ to refer back to.

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  5. Edouard Machery Avatar
    Edouard Machery

    Note to Heck: it’s pretty amazing that the same objection gets repeated again and again, even when there is a substantial literature that addresses it. (And the suggestion that we were not aware of the ambiguity is pretty ridiculous.)

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  6. Michael Kremer Avatar
    Michael Kremer

    Edouard: Do you think the literature shows that the objection is unfounded, or irrelevant, or otherwise flawed? And if so, can you point us to one or two of the best pieces to see this? Not all of us who read this blog and may be interested in this debate have the time to become experts on this bit of the literature; some of us (well, me) would appreciate a little help.

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  7. Richard Heck Avatar
    Richard Heck

    Note to Machery: I didn’t say that you weren’t aware of the ambiguity. But it’s kind of stunning that you don’t so much as mention it in the paper, since, to anyone who has that ambiguity firmly in mind, the totally obvious explanation of your results is that people are disambiguating the question in different ways. Why that is so might itself be an interesting question (or it might not be), but it isn’t one that has any bearing upon the theory of reference (which, anyway, has nothing to do with anyone’s ‘intuitions’, though that is a different issue).
    On the other point, yes, some people have said some things about this objection. But nothing that even begins to undermine the underlying point, which is that there is no non-ambiguous way to ask ordinary people the question you want to ask. I personally find it hard to understand how anyone who appreciated the nature of this ambiguity, and how recently, in terms of philosophical history, it was noted and assimilated, could fail to understand that fact.

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  8. Richard Heck Avatar
    Richard Heck

    Berit, as I just said in my previous reply, the point is precisely that there is no “right question to ask”. If there were, then teaching our students about the distinction between speaker’s reference and semantic reference would be a lot easier than it actually is.

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  9. Berit Brogaard Avatar

    Edouard summarizes some of the debate in his “Expertise and Intuitions about Reference”. The paper is available online, however, I was unable to copy the direct link to it.
    My understanding is that later studies attempted to rule out the speaker reference vs semantic reference ambiguity.

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  10. Michael Kremer Avatar
    Michael Kremer

    Berit, on a quick glance the paper you mention doesn’t seem to be about Richard’s objection, but points to another one: “Machery et al. (forthcoming a) have shown that the cultural difference persists when it is made clear that the question at the end of the vignette asks about the reference of the proper name itself (what Kripke (1977) called “semantic reference”) instead of whoever it is the speaker intends to be talking about.” (p. 40) The bilbliography of the paper you referred to gives: Machery, Edouard, Max Deutsch, and Justin Sytsma. Forthcoming a. Speaker’s reference and crosscultural semantics. In On reference, ed. Andrea Bianchi. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    If this paper does what it says it does, it would along the way refute Richard’s claim that “there is no right question to ask.” But I have not been able to find this paper online in any form. I cannot find a book by the title “On reference” edited by Bianchi. Searching for the title of the paper turns up various references to it but no text. No version of the paper shows up on Machery’s website at Pitt, which is anyway several years out of date. The paper has 8 citations on google scholar, but only as “manuscript” or as appearing in “On Reference.” Evidently it’s been circulated and discussed, but not made public.
    Further searching around reveals (in Systsma and Livergood, “Experimental Philosophy and Philosophical Disputes”, 154) that in the unpublished study that is supposed to answer the objection, participants were asked:
    “When John uses the name “Gödel,” regardless of who he might intend to
    be talking about, he is actually talking about:
    (A) the person who really discovered the incompleteness of arithmetic.
    (B) the person who got hold of the manuscript and claimed credit for the
    work.”
    They comment:
    “Machery, Deutsch, and Sytsma found that while 59% of the American participants gave the causal-historical answer (B), only 39% of the Chinese participants gave that answer. Again we see significant variation in participants’ intuitions about the Gödel case, even after the probe question has been clarified.”
    I will leave it to Richard to discuss whether this time “the right question” has been asked. (I have a meeting I must go to…)

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  11. Edouard Machery Avatar
    Edouard Machery

    Michael,
    I don’t want to hijack this thread, and I’d rather have the discussion focused on Berit’s interesting post.
    Still here are some of the relevant papers. The first two papers are theoretical, the third one experimental.
    – Section 3 of Machery 2011. Variation in intuitions about reference and ontological disagreement. In S. D. Hales (Ed.), A Companion to Relativism (pp. 118-136). Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
    – Section 3.1 of Machery and Stich 2012. The role of experiment in the philosophy of language. In G. Russell and D. G. Fara (Eds.), The Routledge Companion to the Philosophy of Language (pp. 495-512). New York: Routledge.
    – Machery, Sytsma, and Deutsch. Forthcoming. Speaker’s reference and cross-cultural semantics. In A. Bianchi (Ed.), On reference. OUP. (I find the penultimate study particularly telling.)
    If anybody is interested, just email me for the papers.
    A quick point about Heck’s comment: “there is no non-ambiguous way to ask ordinary people the question you want to ask.”
    We surely agree that it is not easy to disambiguate the question, but perhaps one can be a bit more imaginative. Here is a suggestion: The vignette can be formulated in such a way that the speaker’s reference is the individual who is the reference of the proper name according to causal-historical theories. So, if a subject says that the character is talking about the individual who is the reference of the proper name according to descriptivist theories, then she must be expressing a judgment about semantic reference. By the way, this is what Machery, Sytsma, and Deutsch do.

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  12. Edouard Machery Avatar
    Edouard Machery

    I should also have mentioned the discussion of the ambiguity and of other ambiguities in Sytsma, J., & Livengood, J. (2011). A new perspective concerning experiments on semantic intuitions. Australasian Journal of Philosophy, 89(2), 315-332.

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  13. Berit Brogaard Avatar

    Thanks! I would be interested in seeing this paper:
    Machery, Sytsma, and Deutsch. Forthcoming. Speaker’s reference and cross-cultural semantics. In A. Bianchi (Ed.), On reference. OUP.
    I will send you an email.

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  14. Michael Kremer Avatar
    Michael Kremer

    Since Richard hasn’t chimed in, I’ll say that as far as I can see the phrasing I quoted from the Sytsma and Livergood paper
    “When John uses the name “Gödel,” regardless of who he might intend to be talking about, he is actually talking about…”
    does not remove the “speaker’s reference/semantic reference”
    ambiguity. This is not an ambiguity between who I intend to talk about and who I actually talk about. It is more like an ambiguity between what I (actually) talk about by using certain words in a certain context, and what the words I use refer to, just as the words they are. That is, there is nothing particularly “semantic” about “who I actually talk about.” So at least the new study reported in the Systma and Livergood paper doesn’t appear to be addressing the objection at all.

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  15. Edouard Machery Avatar
    Edouard Machery

    Michael
    The thought was that, when contrasted with “intend to talk about”, “actually talk about” would be understood as being about semantic reference. Indeed, how else could it be interpreted?
    As we do acknowledge in Machery, Sytsma and Deutsch, one may have concerns with this assumption, and we provide convergent evidence for another study. The gist of the other study has been summarized in my post above.
    Incidentally, the experiment in Sytsma and Livengood is not meant to answer the ambiguity objection. Sytsma and Livengood give reasons to doubt the plausibility of the ambiguity objection (as i have done in the 2 papers cited above).

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  16. Michael Kremer Avatar
    Michael Kremer

    Edouard: I would find the implied contrast completely puzzling, frankly. But maybe I am corrupted.
    I did notice your other suggestion and haven’t been able to think about it carefully. Something like this is mentioned in your article in the Routledge Philosophy of Language Companion, I discovered last night — but end of term and personal busy-ness are not allowing me to think that through.
    In any case, perhaps you could send me the articles you mentioned…. especially the as yet unpublished article.

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  17. Aidan Gray Avatar
    Aidan Gray

    Hi Edouard (if I may),
    I’m not sure, but I have the sense that it is sensible to draw a distinction, in some cases, between what a speaker intended to refer to and what she succeeded in referring to (to be clear – both in the speaker-meaning sense). This can happen when a speaker has conflicting referential intentions (she intends to refer to x, and intends to refer to y, but unbeknownst to her x!=y). If the intention which is central to the speaker’s communicative goal picks out x, but the intention which is evident in her immediate speech behaviour picks out y, it would be natural to describe the case as one in which she intended to refer to x, but ended up referring to y.
    Take an example. Suppose you and I are spies, attending a gala event. I have reason to believe my arch-nemesis, Smith, will be at the event. I see someone, who I take to be Smith, across the room holding a champagne glass. Intending to warn you I gesture in that direction and say “The man drinking champagne is very dangerous.” Suppose the facts are as follows: the man is not Smith (but his decoy body double), and the man is not drinking champagne (but apple juice in a champagne glass). I’d be tempted to describe the case as follows: The description (in the context) does not semantically refer (or, perhaps it refers to some other person drinking champagne). I intended to refer Smith, but I managed to refer to his body double.
    I should mention – I heard an interesting talk by Jeff King on this stuff a few weeks ago. The sort of case I’m imagining is modeled on the sort of things he was talking about.

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  18. Tristan Haze Avatar

    I agree with this – there does seem to be a good candidate distinction for marking with ‘speaker’s intended reference’ versus ‘speaker’s actual reference’, and this seems to be a different distinction from the one Kripke discussed, speaker’s reference versus semantic reference.
    Regarding the other suggestion of Edouard Machery’s in comment #11: ‘Here is a suggestion: The vignette can be formulated in such a way that the speaker’s reference is the individual who is the reference of the proper name according to causal-historical theories. So, if a subject says that the character is talking about the individual who is the reference of the proper name according to descriptivist theories, then she must be expressing a judgment about semantic reference. By the way, this is what Machery, Sytsma, and Deutsch do.’
    This doesn’t make sense to me. Why couldn’t this subject be interpreted as talking about speaker’s reference, but such that the object they nominate as the speaker’s referent happens to be the semantic referent as well? Just ensuring that the speaker’s referent is the semantic referent doesn’t seem to ensure that the subject in question is expressing ‘a judgement about semantic reference’.

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