In a famous essay, Deleuze suggests that our society has moved beyond Foucauldian disciplinary power to a more fluid “control society,” where the various sites of disciplinary control merge into a modulated network of interlocking sites of power, the primary technique of which is access control.  As Deleuze notes, the move is “dispersive,” and “the factory has given way to the corporation.” Hence, “the family, the school, the army, the factory are no longer distinct analogical spaces that converge towards an owner – state or private power – but coded figures – deformable and transformable – of a single corporation that now has only stockholders.” (6)  The most vivid image of such a society he attributes to Guattari, who:

“has imagined a city where one would be able to leave one’s apartment, one’s street, one’s neighborhood, thanks to one’s (dividual) electronic card that raises a given barrier; but the card could just as easily be rejected on a given day or between certain hours; what counts is not the barrier but the computer that tracks each person’s position – licit or illicit – and effects a universal modulation” (7)

This thesis has been most widely applied to surveillance and security and is easily evidenced by things like NSA “don’t fly” lists and the number of passwords one has to generate online.  That said, I would like to suggest here that, at least in one respect, we’re moving past the control society.  Or, perhaps, we’re seeing the truth of the control society in an unexpected way.  One feature of the move from the dungeon to the panopticon is regulatory efficiency: it costs a lot less to get people to police themselves than to coerce them with brute force.  The move to control is similarly efficient in that multiple, closed panoptic systems are much less efficient than a more modular arrangement where panoptic technologies are (as Foucault said they would be) completely diffused into society and work together, rather than separately. 

What we see now is that control itself is economically inefficient, because it misses an opportunity for accumulation.  Capitalism is not about denying access to something you want; it’s about extracting resources from you as a cost for getting access. This isn’t just a point about desire; it’s also a logical consequence of complete subsumption: if there is no outside to capital, then it makes no sense to say that anyone is ever really denied access.  From an economic point of view, such control-as-denial always involves deadweight loss of social value in that there are those who would like access, and for whom access would be socially efficient in some way, but who get locked out by control mechanisms that are insensitive to how much those people really, really want access.

What does this mean?  It means that waiting as a technique to modulate access is the step after control.  In a recent piece on Alternet, Michael Bader reminds us of the staggering amount of time we spend waiting for non-responsive corporate entities; the “your call is important to us” messages that we hear when on hold are the paradigmatic example.  All this waiting presents an opportunity.  As Deleuze repeatedly pointed out, capitalism is also characterized by its ability to create striations and stratifications.  The system could thus be expected to produce indefinitely many versions of access, with immediate access on one end of the spectrum, and endless waiting on the other.

Such a continuum presents a good example of price discrimination.  Price discrimination will be best-known to most of us from the purchase of airline tickets.  Want to fly tomorrow?  Well, then you’ll need to pay a lot.  Willing to buy a non-refundable ticket?  That can save you some money.  Willing to buy way in advance?  Good, that can save you too.  Did you buy that cheap-o, non-refundable ticket three months ago?  It’s never too late to upgrade!  Want an aisle seat near the front?  It’s only $68 more!  As far as the airline is concerned, each ticket needs to be priced at exactly the amount the customer is willing to pay.  Anything less presents lost revenue for the carrier because the customer would have been willing to pay more than she did.  Anything more also presents lost revenue for the carrier because the customer wouldn’t have bought the ticket (but somebody else might: hence the airlines also limit the number of tickets available at certain price points).

Price discrimination, in other words, is a textbook example of the neoliberal theory that the best way to organize markets is by the price mechanism, where individuals signal how much they value something by their willingness to pay.  As a general matter, you offer superior products to those willing to pay for them, and inferior ones to those who want the product but aren’t willing to pay for the superior one.  Two things we know about the price mechanism are that it systemically favors “productive” claimants over “consumptive” ones, and that it also systematically favors rich consumptive users over poor ones.  Let’s take the second point first.  Wait time becomes something that can be priced; the less you want to wait, the more you pay.  Tired of waiting in traffic?  Pay a toll to drive solo in the HOV lane!  Tired of waiting on hold?  Use our convenient online site! Tired of waiting for this blog post to load?  Upgrade to faster internet! Tired of waiting to see your doctor?  Buy a concierge plan!  Of course, the poor don’t have personalized physicians, good broadband internet, or the cash to pay extra to drive solo in the HOV lane, and so they are disfavored and made to wait longer and for more things than the rich.

And how does waiting favor productive claimants over consumptive ones? As Bader points out, our corporate overlords could easily deliver better, more timely service to everyone.  But they’d have to spend more money, which would ultimately result in a lower shareholder value.  There are all kinds of reasons why short-term shareholder gain is a terrible metric for evaluating business performance, but here just note that it serves as the ultimate prioritization of the “productive” investor (not even wasting time with commodities; our shareholders are realizing M-M’ as the fundamental rule of finance capital), whose ROI is systematically prioritized over all the consumptive users who have to wait for their returns.

So this is the hypothesis: although we have grown accustomed to thinking about how contemporary capitalism is based on making everything move faster, capitalism also wants to force you to slow down, in order to then let you self-select into stratifications based on your willingness to pay to speed back up. We are moving into a please-hold iteration of control. Slowing down isn’t always going to be resistant (though Spandau Ballet might), because it’s also a form of primitive accumulation: you are dispossessed of either your time or your money to an equilibrium point where you’re either priced out or unwilling to pay more to go faster.  That is, control is about modulation, and the lie that “we are experiencing an unexpectedly high call volume” is a perfect example.

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6 responses to “From Discipline to Control to “Please Hold while I transfer your call””

  1. Charles R Avatar
    Charles R

    In the Ferengi bureaucracy and in their religion, there’s a similar phenomenon. On the criminal side, first you find out you have been charged with a crime. Then, you have to bribe the bureaucrat who delivers your charge to tell you what the crime is. Then, you have to bribe the bureaucrat again to get the court date—I might be wrong about that, but it makes for the same story. You have to truly pay to advance in the criminal bureaucracy; we’re already paying to advance in the civil one. Their religion is the same. You arrive at the Divine Treasury, and in order to gain entry, you have to bribe the registrar to get in to your own judgment. Then, even if the Divine Exchequer determines based on your profit margin you are worthy, you still need enough profit so you can successfully bid on your afterlife.
    I guess Christianity is to some degree the same in terms of paying to accelerate. You can be Jewish and wait until the Second Coming to get your first one and see your God triumphant, or you can be Christian and have already had that first one to let you go about as if your God is already triumphant (Some struggle with buyer’s remorse, since you keep being reminded it’s actually a timeshare with a whole lot of other screaming, frustrated people who also paid their way to get in). Any other option and you’ll always be left out in the darkness, waiting for an eternity to end. Of course, when the Jews do arrive on time as it clearly states in writing found in the older laws, all the really important people and places will be in their names, much to the surprise of those Christians who think their payment sufficed to establish their greater importance to the Lord’s love.
    There’s also immortal soul, reincarnation kinds of religions where it’s the same fundamental thing underneath, some substance of being holding together all the appearances and shells distracting us from the truth. One day it’s a chicken, the next it’s a salad. One day it’s a liter of gasoline, the next it’s getting to work on time. One day it’s a slip of paper you’re given at one booth to give to someone at another booth, the next day it’s remembering a movie everybody stood in line to predict with one another. It’s funny the life you get out of your wallet, immortal in moving from form to form, only powerful the more faith to provide happiness it acquires on its way.
    Maybe this is a good thing: the more people at the lower end of faith in money, the less power it has. So, the other side of building all these walls to slow the flow to get the cash is that you threaten the faith people have that money actually opens doors. Those with faith grow more and more money to keep that faith. They will crave power to strengthen faith in money and its power to make themselves happy. Those without this faith grow less and less inclined to accept that faith the less and less it rewards their faith. They will crave either power to temper faith in money or power to reduce faith in it or find out how to make themselves happy directly, or they will opt out of power and buying happiness altogether.

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  2. John Protevi Avatar

    Very interesting, Gordon. A few data points to the stratification and dynamic pricing model.
    I think some of the on-hold delays will slip in some ads — reminders of products they offer and so on — along with the muzak, though I imagine corporations will want to be careful here as they are associating their company with delays.
    Also, with frequent flyer medallion status comes a separate phone number with (mostly) shorter delays. Although snow storms and the like will clog up even the elite phone lines. Then again, maybe there are even divisions here, so that — using the Delta terminology — mere Silver and Gold Medallions will have one number, Platinums another, and Diamonds still a third.
    Sticking with airlines, here’s an allied notion: you can join their lounges, but there you’re not really paying for speed, you’re paying for reduced noise. Though I guess there is some time savings via reduced transaction costs for the coffee and snacks.

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  3. David Wallace Avatar
    David Wallace

    This seems a slightly misleading way of characterising price discrimination as contemporary microeconomics sees it.
    (i) I seriously doubt that airline travel is the most common context in which people (even readers of this blog) come across price discrimination. Student discounts are price discrimination. Cheap meals before 6pm are price discrimination. Post-Christmas sales are price discrimination; so are sales generally. Price discrimination is ubiquitous any time you don’t have perfect competition.
    (ii) Price discrimination happens when you offer the same product to different people at different prices. That “aisle seat near the front” is an objectively better product, so it costs more. That’s not price discrimination. It’s price discrimination when the same seat costs more to you than it does to me.
    (iii) Leaving aside whether “price discrimination” is the right name for it, providing differentiated products doesn’t require appeal to shareholder value to understand. Suppose I run an airline company; even from passengers’ points of view – even if I’m a non-profit – it might be beneficial for my passengers for me to charge high prices to rich passengers for big seats and low prices to poor passengers for small seats, rather than charging a constant price to everyone for middle-sized seats. The rich passengers are willing to pay, so they gain; the poor passengers are willing to trade discomfort for a cheap flight, so they gain.
    I don’t want to suggest that this (very standard) economic argument for differential pricing isn’t open to various sorts of criticism – but the OP doesn’t seem to engage with the argument in the first place.

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  4. Gordon Hull Avatar

    Thanks for the comments. I actually don’t think I’m doing anything too unusual with price discrimination – the airline seating example is one that I standardly see in articles explaining the practice, because most people have frustrating experience with it. But all the examples you list in (i) certainly count, and I don’t mean to say the practice isn’t pervasive (and, in any case, if it’s inevitable anytime you don’t have perfect competition, then it’s going to be all but universal, since perfect competition almost never happens). Of course, what counts as an “objectively better product” is part of what’s at stake. There’s an important sense in which the discrimination adds distinctions where there weren’t any before: the difference between the seat near the front and the one in the middle might not be one I’d thought much about, or set a value on, prior to noticing that it costs more now. Similarly, one strategy of the airline is to make me think that you and I don’t pay different prices for the “same” seat – the refundable seat purchased yesterday is objectively better than the cheaper one from a month ago. Certainly any corporation with a traveling sales force is going to be receptive to that line of thought.
    I don’t think a lot hangs on this, though. The point about shareholders was in terms of Baker’s critique of efficiency-based arguments in law and economics (he’s particularly thinking of the adoption of Coase), where he says that productive claimants get prioritized over consumptive ones. The decision to pay shareholders rather than deliver better service is such a prioritization (I’ve actually seen this complaint made in the context of big box retail, where it’s only the privately held corporations like Trader Joes that can get away with adequate numbers of employees on the sales floor at a given time; places like Target are driven by shareholder return demands to trim their staffing to a minimum). That differentiation can serve as a form of progressive taxation is a good point, and one that I’d need to integrate (I’ve seen this mentioned in the case of undergraduate tuition at places like Harvard – nobody but the rich pays the sticker price). I don’t think it’s economically different (which I take it you’re also saying) – it’s still using price differences to reduce deadweight loss. Whether education is productive or consumptive is a topic that would have to be taken up separately…
    All of which probably says that I didn’t clearly enough distinguish two points. Paying shareholders before doing anything else is an example of systematically favoring “productive” over consumptive claimants (that the Alternet piece hints at). Price discrimination is a way of extracting more from consumptive claimants. To say that it favors rich consumptive claimants over poor would require the additional argument that price discrimination can never be perfect, and so there would always be deadweight loss. I don’t think that’s a difficult argument to make, but I didn’t make it.
    What initially interested me was the way that wait time becomes part of capitalist accumulation – the amalgamation of Deleuze and efficiency arguments was very much a first approximation at thinking about that. But I wanted to try to set it up in more than Deleuzian or autonomist terms…

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  5. Daniel Brunson Avatar
    Daniel Brunson

    I don’t think of this as a counter-example, but rather of the diffusiveness of modulating access: I’m thinking of something like the slow-food movement, or even just the difference between a ‘sit-down’ restaurant and fast-food. That is, the default is speed (you have 30 minutes for lunch, including travel), while the rich can afford to enjoy food that takes time to make and to eat. This is perhaps even more true at home – while it can be cheaper and healthier to cook your own food, the time investment often prices it out of the range of the poor.
    This strikes me as the converse of your concluding claim (we are being forced to speed up, so we can price ourselves into something slower), but again not a counter-example.
    These Deleuzian considerations might go well with research on decision fatigue (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Decision_fatigue). What you’re paying for when you have a membership with an airline lounge is in part not having to decide where to put your stuff when you wait for a flight.

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  6. Gordon Hull Avatar

    I love the connection to decision fatigue. Maybe one way to characterize the larger point is to say that capital has certain default (for lack of a better word) speeds for activities. A lot of the time, that won’t be the speed a non-trivial number of people would prefer to do them. So they are encouraged to expend resources to line up the speed with their subjective preferences (and of course we’ll see ads encouraging them to develop preferences that require more resource expenditure – all those ads showing people striding confidently to their rental car past long lines of beleagured travelers. Not that that particular preference needs a lot of encouragement). And sometimes, we’ll even get ads that say fast food is slow (families getting time together b/c smart mom got KFC instead of cooking). That way, the poor can think slow food is accessible to them (one should probably drop the word ‘simulacrum’ in here, since fast food mostly resembles other fast food, not slow food)

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