I am increasingly convinced that any Foucauldian effort to understand neoliberalism needs to focus on it as a strategy of subjectification (more specifically, it’s the strategy of subjectification specific to contemporary biopower, and it says that the truth of the human being is as homo economicus).  One reason I think this is that one finds repeated examples of where policy or governmental prescriptions specific to neoliberalism conflict with neoliberalism as a strategy of subjectification; in such cases, the strategy of subjectification generally seems to win.  Let me explain with an example which will hopefully serve as proof of concept of the admittedly very big thesis I’ve just announced.

Two pillars of neoliberal thinking are:

  1. Efficiency.  At least since Hayek’s Road to Serfdom, this has been a key component of neoliberal economic theory.  One of the main advantages markets have over other systems is allocative efficiency, as it works through the price mechanism.  If the object of economics is to allocate resources to those who value them most, then prices allow for the decentralized signaling of value with minimal expenditure of resources at the system level.  When Hayek sets up two alternatives – the Soviet state and free markets, it is hard to disagree that Soviet central planning doesn’t waste a lot of resources collecting information (it also helps Hayek’s case if you know in hindsight that the Soviet planners were forced to work with completely inaccurate data, because the failure to report unrealistic economic progress was grounds for being sent to the gulag, or worse).  As Foucault emphasizes, smart neoliberals know perfectly well that markets don’t occur spontaneously, and often require considerable effort on the part of the state (so the idea that the Chicago futures market is unregulated is complete hokum), but the claim will still be that they are more allocatively efficient than any alternatives. Along with a general faith in market efficiency comes policies designed to ensure that efficiency, and to reduce the “transaction costs” in getting there.
  2. The individualization of risk, and understanding of individuals as entrepreneurial investors in their own future.   Key here is that individuals are to understand themselves in this way: this is the truth of what it means to be human.  This is the point about subjectification, and it’s evident in a lot of areas, from parables about Rich Dad/Poor Dad  to the shift away from basic research funding in the sciences to the "financialized girl."

With that in mind, consider Michigan’s recent acceptance of increased Medicaid funding under the Affordable Care Act.  The state went out of its way to avoid socializing the Medicaid expansion with some familiar tricks – adherence to lifestyle norms enables individuals to pay less for access to the system, for example – but this part stood out to me:

“In an effort to give Medicaid recipients more "skin in the game," as proponents call it, most newly eligible Michigan recipients will face copays — typically from $1 to $3 for most outpatient health services. Those with incomes between 100 percent ($11,670) and 138 percent ($16,105) of the federal poverty level will also pay a premium of 2% of their income. While many states impose similar cost-sharing, Michigan will be the first to ask enrollees to make those payments — either copays or premiums or both — through a health savings account. Indiana Gov. Mike Pence, a Republican, has also recently proposed health savings accounts as part of his Medicaid expansion plan. Both the state of Michigan and individuals and potentially, their employers, will be asked to deposit money into those accounts based on enrollees' copays in the prior six months. If funds are left at the end of the year, they will be rolled over. If a beneficiary becomes ineligible for Medicaid, the balance will be put into a voucher they can use to buy private insurance.”

The strategy of copays of course is itself a pushback against any sort of socialization of medicine, even for the poor, since it basically is an attempt to communicate that medicine is a commodity that can be consumed. Rational subjects decide whether the $3 should buy a bus fare or a doctor’s visit.  It’s very hard to have any other interpretation of the copay, since I would be absolutely sure that it costs the system more than $1 to process it, and the premium probably won’t fare much better.

But leave all of that aside and consider for a moment the idea that all of this is to be managed through health savings accounts.  If you wanted to extract $1-$3 from everybody who visited your office, presumably the most efficient way to do that would be to ask them to pay it while they were there.  You could even request it in cash, to avoid spending money on swipe fees.  Since almost all non-Medicaid patients are going to be making a copay, you don’t even have to add much in the way of administrative resources.

But health savings accounts?  There is absolutely no way that requiring health savings accounts will not cost far more than the amount of premiums they enable.  Indeed, it’s hard to imagine how the HSA strategy isn’t about the least efficient imaginable, given the sums of money involved.  So on neoliberal grounds, this is a terrible policy decision.  Unless efficiency just got trumped by the demand that all individuals always understand themselves as investors in their own human capital, in which case it makes perfect sense.  As Ute Tellmann has noted, the idea that the poor have to be trained to think economically dates at least to Malthus.  Here, the system is investing in the production of homo economicus, and is willing to take an efficiency hit in the short term to maximize its return on that investment.

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7 responses to “Using Medicaid to Produce Homo Economicus”

  1. John Protevi Avatar

    Here, the system is investing in the production of homo economicus, and is willing to take an efficiency hit in the short term to maximize its return on that investment.
    Hi Gordon, I like your analysis very much, though I wonder if there isn’t some surplus cruelty involved here, a little extra dash of humiliation to mark off those with Medicaid as those needing help? If there were no user fees at all you couldn’t distinguish Medicaid folks from those “good hard-working” (I trust everyone knows why that phrase is in scare quotes) folks now with insurance that doesn’t require co-pays. But you always need to so distinguish them to remind them of their inferior status (inferior, that is, relative to the image of self-sufficiency propagated on behalf of “good hard-working” middle-class folks).

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  2. David Wallace Avatar
    David Wallace

    There is a more narrowly political interpretation (though it’s not necessarily at odds with the broader point). The Republican party has committed itself to scorched-earth opposition to the ACA for reasons that seem much more about partisan politics than ideology. Many of the Republican-controlled states rejected the Medicaid expansion on these kind of partisan grounds even though it’s pretty manifestly a good deal for the states. Some more pragmatic governers have been trying to row back on that rejection without damaging their conservative bona fides too badly; what little I’ve read about the Michigan expansion suggests that a lot of the extra bells and whistles here are about symbolically placating Michigan conservatives than about anything more substantive.

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  3. ajkreider Avatar
    ajkreider

    I can’t speak directly to the motives of Michigan’s legislators, of course. But the idea that the fees are to separate out Medicaid recipients seems strained. Co-pay insurance is very, very common. So much so that I would think it’s pretty much the standard. I’m told by insurance folks that our college’s policy is “gold-plated” and we’ve had co-pays for at least the last 10 years. It the kind of thing the “good hard-working” people are all too familiar with.
    I also think it a bit of a stretch to move from the idea of individualization of risk to some idea of “what it means to be human”. It seems like one could be for the most part agnostic about the latter issue, while thinking it a good idea for individuals to take on or at least assess costs. As an example relating to health insurance, for the first time this year our policy has a deductible ($2000), the first $750 of which is paid for out of a health-savings account set up and funded by the college. For the first time in my life, I’ve asked a provider what they will be billing my insurance company for a procedure that was borderline elective. This is of course exactly what the college and insurance company are hoping for – for me to assess (and perhaps shop around for) cost-effective procedures.
    It may well be that a single-payer system is both more just and more efficient. But given that we have the system that we do here in the U.S. (a commodity-based system), encouraging, in the name of efficiency, healthcare recipients to take some ownership of the healthcare process seems a far cry from producing “homo economicus”.

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  4. John Protevi Avatar

    Fair enough about the commonality of co-pays. I’m often on the lookout for surplus humiliations directed at the poor by public policies but I do think I’m over-reaching here.

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  5. Robin James Avatar
    Robin James

    Hi Gordon–Love this! It chimes with a lot of what the students and I have been talking about in the Theories of Neoliberalism class. For example, on your point about homo oeconomicus as the manifestation of contemporary biopower, we were talking about the relationship btw biopolitics and neoliberalism, and wondered if contemporary biopolitics conceives of “life” as a market.
    I wonder what you’d say to the idea that maybe this isn’t an efficiency hit in the short term? Maybe this is the most efficient way (given external constraints such as the ACA) to manage a specific slice of the population?
    In class we’ve been referring back to Lester Spence’s distinction among already marketized populations, potentially marketizable populations, and non-marketizable populations (this latter group he calls the ‘exception’). I wonder if this Michigan plan is a potentially efficient way to harden/reinscribe the line between potentially marketizable and non-marketizable segments of the population of people on Medicaid? And it does so in a way that make marketization failure seem like the individual’s own fault/failure?

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  6. Gordon Avatar
    Gordon

    I think the concern about stigmatization is a real one, though am inclined to agree that it’s not at work here – mainly b/c HIPPA gives you (at least in theory) some privacy at the window where you check in. So it would be hard to legally remind everyone who’s paying their $1 copay. That said, the poor aren’t stupid, and knowing that they’re being asked to pay $1 serves as a reminder that they’re on Medicaid, because nobody else’s copays are going to be that low.
    @David: I think Republican CYA is an important motive here, so my only additional thought would be that they chose to CYA by making it sound more “market-friendly.” So I think it’s significant that health savings accounts are part of justificatory strategy. That one won’t work with the base, I don’t think, but it might appease Rand Paul types a bit. You’re right that they’ve dug themselves an economic hole here – I can’t place a source on this, but I remember reading that when NC turned down the Medicaid (on purely ideological grounds), it cost the state some 30,000 jobs in health care. That sort of “job-killing” decision would be completely unacceptable to the GOP in any other context. So we can’t take ideological opposition to Obama too lightly.
    @ajkreider: I think you’re right that you’re doing what they want you to (and it’s to your advantage, as well). My only point is that the HSA is a grotesquely inefficient way to get people who don’t have any money to save (and marginal employment status) to do that. During the lead-up to the ACA, I remember an article from the New Yorker that said, in essence, that if you wanted a market-based system, you needed to give everybody a pile of cash with which to pay healthcare providers. That would stop the billing shenanigans immediately, and enable price shopping, because nobody would put up with that kind of treatment if they were paying the bill. It would probably drive some decentralization, which is the opposite of what the ACA has done. Again, from a market-based perspective, that’s a lot better, since there would be competition. I still think there’s a lot of problems with a market-based system, but I thought that article made a lot of sense.

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  7. Gordon Hull Avatar

    Thanks Robin. I think I agree with everything you say except the conclusion, though the difference b/t us may be largely semantic. If the goal is to marketize the marginal population of those who are too rich for old medicare but too poor for subsidized insurance, then the HSA strategy indeed only makes sense as an effort to marketize them, and maybe to drive a wedge b/t them and the original medicaid population. From that point of view, it might be legible as an efficient strategy of subjectification (I’m not sure that’s the case, but it’s a plausible hypothesis: other ways might be more efficient), but it adds layers and layers of transaction costs to processing their care, and so isn’t efficient from a policy-standpoint. A separate question would be about the costs of hardening the line b/t marketizable and non-marketizable populations. The system presumably wants arbitrage up (so ‘welfare to work’ and so on), but not down. The cost of reinscribing that line then is basically admitting failure for a good-sized hunk of the population (sort of like the death penalty becomes a failure of biopower). My discomfort with that interpretation is partly that neoliberalism doesn’t like to give up in that way, and partly that life at the income level we’re talking about is so fundamentally precarious that individuals and families are likely to cross that border downward due to job losses and so on. hmm.

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